Were the Roman Popes Supreme in the First Millennium?

“There must be a visible head to the Church, or everything will spin out of control. There will be no agreement on faith or morals. That is why Jesus installed St. Peter as the supreme head of the Church, and each Pope since then has inherited his authority to govern. Submit to Rome!

As an Orthodox Christian with an online presence (thanks to writing for this blog), I get multiple versions of that message every single week from Roman Catholics. Even Roman Catholics who are bitter opponents of Pope Francis, often still tell us Orthodox to,  “Submit to Rome!” Sedevacantists, who believe that the Chair of St. Peter has been vacant since 1958, also tell us to submit to Rome. Not current Rome, mind you, as that is full of heretics. But to the historic Roman Papacy and Roman Tradition. Whatever that means and however one goes about doing that.

And round and round it goes.

According to most proponents of the Roman Catholic concepts of Papal Supremacy and infallibility, both doctrines were known and followed in the Church of the 1st Millennium. One thing is certainly clear, many Roman Popes in the 1st Millennium did have a high opinion of the inherent authority of their office. The question is, however, did the rest of the Church in the 1st Millennium share that opinion?

Why does it matter how the Church outside Rome viewed the Papacy? Because to be part of the Catholic Faith, as articulated by St. Vincent of Lérins in the 5th Century, “Moreover, in the Catholic Church itself, all possible care must be taken, that we hold that faith which has been believed everywhere, always, by all.” 

Was the unchallenged authority and infallibility of the Roman Papacy “believed everywhere, always, by all” in the 1st Millennium? Let’s look at that question across several different areas: the relationship of the Papacy to Ecumenical Councils, the historical excommunication / deposition of Popes, and a brief examination of the record of the Papacy in maintaining Church unity.

Ecumenical Councils

According to Vatican I, the Pope has supreme power of jurisdiction over the whole church, including supreme teaching powers that are preserved free from error.

Below is a short summary on Papal authority as articulated by Vatican I in the 19th Century:

The statement on the pope’s authority was approved only after long and heated debate both preceding and during the council. The decree states that the true successor of St. Peter has full and supreme power of jurisdiction over the whole church; that he has the right of free communication with the pastors of the whole church and with their flocks; and that his primacy includes the supreme teaching power to which Jesus Christ added the prerogative of papal infallibility, whereby the pope is preserved free from error when he teaches definitively that a doctrine concerning faith or morals is to be believed by the whole church.

Many Roman Catholic apologists assert that Vatican I did not formulate anything new, but only articulated what had always been believed. That includes supremacy over Church Councils, even over the “Ecumenical Councils” of the 1st Millennium.

Below is a Roman Catholic perspective on the relationship between Ecumenical Councils and the Papacy:

A council in opposition to the pope is not representative of the whole Church, for it neither represents the pope who opposes it, nor the absent bishops, who cannot act beyond the limits of their dioceses except through the pope. A council not only acting independently of the Vicar of Christ, but sitting in judgment over him, is unthinkable in the constitution of the Church.

 

In normal times, when according to the Divine constitution of the Church, the pope rules in the fullness of his power, the function of councils is to support and strengthen his rule on occasions of extraordinary difficulties arising from heresies schisms, relaxed discipline, or external foes. General councils have no part in the ordinary normal government of the Church.

 

As a matter of fact, the older councils, especially those of Ephesus (431) and Chalcedon (451), were not convened to decide on questions of faith still open, but to give additional weight to, and secure the execution of, papal decisions previously issued and regarded as fully authoritative.

A Pope “ruling in the fullness of his power” is above any council, whose job is to support what the Pope says. Another way this absolute power is described is in Roman Canon Law 1404, “The First See is judged by none (Latin: Prima Sedes a nemine iudicatur)”.  In other words, there is no court or tribunal above the Pope than can condemn him, depose him, or annul his decrees.

Sentiments along the above lines were certainly expounded by Popes in the 9th Century, with similar sentiments having been written by earlier Popes. But did the rest of the Church believe this in the 1st Millennium?

To examine that, let’s go back to the 5th Century, and look at the situation with the so-called “Robber Council” of Ephesus and the subsequent Council of Chalcedon. As we do, please bear in mind the quote above, from a Roman Catholic perspective, that Chalcedon was not called to decide any open question of Christian Faith, but merely to, “give additional weight to, and secure the execution of, papal decisions previously issued and regarded as fully authoritative.” 

If that were true, then you would expect to find a Council of Chalcedon that merely accepted the Pope’s teaching on Christology and then called it a day. In truth, that is exactly the sequence of events one finds in the sort of  “standard narrative” of Chalcedon put forward by Roman Catholic apologists. According to the Romane Catholic party line, Pope Leo rejected the 449 AD Second Council of Ephesus calling it a “robber council”. As a result, the Council of Chalcedon in 451 AD was called to finally settle the ongoing disputes over the nature / natures and personhood of Christ. At Chalcedon in 451 AD, the Tome of Leo essentially ended all debate, as it was an authoritative pronouncement of Pope Leo. The so-called tome was a letter written by Pope Leo I to Flavian, the Patriarch of Constantinople, in 449 AD. The letter was a response to the heresy of Eutyches (a major subject of discussion at 2nd Ephesus) and that of Nestorius. The letter expounded Pope Leo’s doctrinal explanation of the natures of Christ. When it was read at Chalcedon, shouts went up from the bishops, “It is Peter who says this through Leo. This is what we all of us believe. This is the faith of the Apostles. Leo and Cyril teach the same thing.”

For many Roman Catholic apologists, the rejection of Ephesus, convening of Chalcedon, and the acceptance of the Tome of Leo prove that the supreme authority and infallibility of the Papacy were well-established facts in the 5th Century.

But is that really true?

The Second Council of Ephesus was convened by Roman Emperor Theodosius II (ruling from Constantinople) in 449 AD. It was convened with the agreement of Pope Leo, but as were all Ecumenical Councils of the 1st Millennium, 2nd Ephesus was an imperial affair and not a Papal one. The council was under the control of Pope Dioscorus I of Alexandria, who ignored the Roman legates present as representatives of Pope Leo, and did not read the letter from Leo to Flavian (the tome) that would eventually play such an important role in the story of Chalcedon.

Evidently, an Orthodox Christian Patriarch in the 5th Century AD did not realize that his only role at a council was to support, and transmit, whatever he received from Rome. Instead, he stubbornly insisted on thinking for himself, and felt that he was well within his rights to ignore the opinions of Pope Leo on the questions at hand.

It is true that Pope Leo, upon learning of the actions of the council, condemned it. Pope Leo called it the Latrocinium (Robber Council). This next fact is really important, however. Emperor Theodosis II completely ignored the position of Pope Leo concerning 2nd Ephesus. 

An Orthodox Catholic Roman Emperor was apparently unaware that his council needed the approval of the Roman Pope. Leo’s opposition to 2nd Ephesus was, in fact, ignored until after Theodosius died in a horse accident on July 28, 450 AD. His death changed the situation radically. Theodosius’ sister, Pulcheria, returned to imperial power and married the general Marcian, who became the new emperor. The imperial couple opposed both the teachings of Dioscurus and Archimandrite Eutyches.

To clarify the Orthodox Faith and end the disputes, Marcian called for a new council which was held in 451 AD in Chalcedon. Note that the council was called by the Emperor, and not by the Roman Pope. At this time in history, the Roman Pope could not convene a general council of the whole Church.

Note also that the council was called because the imperial couple, Marcian and Pulcheria, rejected the teachings of Dioscurus and Eutyches, and not because Pope Leo had rejected 2nd Ephesus.

In a curious  incident, Pope Leo and his legates to Chalcedon demanded that Theodoret of Cyrus, an influential theologian of the School of Antioch and a Christian bishop, be seated at the council. Theodoret had been condemned as a heretic at 2nd Ephesus. His heretical Christology was especially clear in his attacks against St. Cyril’s Twelve Chapters. The Fathers of the Council of Chalcedon completely ignored Leo’s opinions on the matter, and refused to seat Theodoret as he was still under the condemnation of 2nd Ephesus. Theodoret was allowed to sit only as an accuser of Dioscorus. The Council only lifted Theodoret’s excommunication when he anathematized Nestorius, and accepted both the Third Ecumenical Council and the Twelve Chapters of St. Cyril.

In the matter of Theodoret, we see a Roman Pope supporting a condemned, unrepentant heretic. Further, we see that the support of the Roman Pope Leo for Theodoret carried no weight at all with the Fathers of Chalcedon. 

Eventually the Tome of Leo was read at the Council, as noted above, and a great cry did go up. Let us remind ourselves what that outcry was, “It is Peter who says this through Leo. This is what we all of us believe. This is the faith of the Apostles. Leo and Cyril teach the same thing.”

Wait a second. Leo was the infallible Pope. The supreme head of the entire Church, if one believes in the veracity of the Roman Catholic position concerning the Papacy at this time. Yet, his letter had not been read at 2nd Ephesus. Evidently, Pope Dioscorus of Alexandria didn’t get the memo that he was supposed to do whatever the Pope of Rome had instructed him to do. The tome was read at Chalcedon, and was generally applauded as an Orthodox Christological statement. However, not because it was written by the Roman Pope, the successor of Peter empowered to infallibly pronounce teaching binding on all Christians. Rather, it was judged Orthodox because the teaching therein agreed with the previously accepted work on the natures of Christ known as the Twelve Chapters of St. Cyril.

The following is taken from an article by Fr. John Romanides:

Theologians of the Vatican have been supporting their position that Leo of Rome and his Tome became the basis of the decisions of the Fourth Ecumenical Council of 451 which, according to them, supposedly corrected the monophysitic and theopassion tendencies of Cyril of Alexandria. But the reality of the matter was that some 50 bishops refused to sign Leo’s Tome claiming that it did not agree with the Synodical Letters of Cyril against Nestorius which were the basis of the decision of the Third Ecumenical Council in 431. They were given five days to examine the Tome of Leo with the said letters of Cyril. They all agreed that Leo indeed agrees with Cyril. Their statements to this effect are individually recorded in the minutes.

 

So Cyril and not Leo was the key to the Council of Chalcedon. Evidently the Vatican has been keeping this fact quiet since it makes a mockery of so-called Papal infallibility. Contrary to these minutes of Chalcedon are the scholars who claim that the Council of Chalcedon modified the Monophysitic tendencies of Cyril and supposedly de-emphasized the theopassianism of his Twelve Chapters. But Cyril’s Two Synodical Letters to Nestorius and his 433 letter to John of Antioch are included in the Horos of Chalcedon “to which have been adapted the Tome of Leo….”

St. Cyril had been the Patriarch of Alexandria, not the Roman Pope. Yet, the tome of the Roman Pope was judged against the standard of St. Cyril’s teaching, not the other way around. So much for the oft repeated Roman Catholic demand of, “submit to the Apostolic See, which cannot err.” 

The Church Fathers gathered at Chalcedon were keenly looking for error in the Tome of Leo. In fact, 50 of the bishops present at Chalcedon did not at first agree with the tome, and so were given time to examine it. Evidently an entire of Council of Orthodox Bishops did not realize that, as Supreme Roman Pontiff, Pope Leo’s teaching was immune to their judgment. The truth of how the Tome of Leo was received and judged by Chalcedon is often obscured by Roman Catholic propaganda. In a different article, Fr. John Romanides expressed the shock he felt when he first discovered what really happened at Chalcedon:

This opened the way to the position that the Tome of Leo had supposedly become the standard of Chalcedonian Orthodoxy. This was followed by the position that the Fifth Ecumenical Council returned to Cyril’s Twelve Chapters in order to please the Non-Chalcedonians. Having studied at Yale University under specialist in the History of Dogma, one may appreciate the shock this writer had, while preparing for Aarhus 1964, when he saw in the minute’s of Chalcedon the debate about whether the Tome or Leo agrees with the Twelve Chapters of Cyril. Hypatius’ claim that Chalcedon supposedly avoided the use of Cyril’s Twelve Chapters because it uses hypostasis as synonymous with physis, obliges one to realize that Chalcedon did no such thing, since Cyril became the judge of Leo’s Orthodoxy. So Chalcedon both accepted the Alexandrian tradition of terms, but also that of Rome, Cappadocia and Antioch.

In the end, Chalcedon accepted the Tome of Leo, definitively declared that Jesus Christ has two natures, divine and human, in one person (Hypostatic Union), and deposed Pope Dioscorus of Alexandria.  The “Vicar of Christ” and the Emperor both put their seals of approval on the work at Chalcedon. So that was that, right? Done deal, on to the next controversy?

Not hardly. The Theological debate after Chalcedon was even worse than the one leading up to it. Surprisingly, those who rejected Chalcedon continued to play a significant, sometimes even dominant, role in the 5th Century Orthodox Church (which included both East and West at the time). This is a fact that is often lost in the “official Roman Catholic narrative”.

The following is from an article titled After Chalcedon – Orthodoxy in the 5th/6th Centuries:

It seems to be received as an historical fact that after the Council of Chalcedon those Christians who refused to accept its decisions and doctrinal statements were immediately isolated and rapidly withdrew into their own communion. This opinion is far from reflecting historical reality, and yet it is often presumed to be true by Oriental Orthodox as much as Chalcedonian Orthodox.

 

It fails to take full account of the truth that for a Council to be Ecumenical it must be received by the whole Church, and ignores the reality that large numbers of Orthodox Christians rejected it, and continued to oppose it. This opinion assumes that because one group of Orthodox defined the Faith in a particular way any who disagreed with that definition must of necessity have separated themselves from the Faith and therefore from the Church. Yet in the years after Chalcedon, and throughout the 6th century, those who rejected Chalcedon continued to play a significant, and at times dominant, role in the Orthodox Church.

 

There were three main factors complicating the theological debate that took place after Chalcedon. Rome had been lost to the barbarians, there was a growing sense of national identity in the various parts of the Empire, and the great Sees were continually in competition with each other. The Emperors had to balance the desire to regain Rome with the need to try and preserve unity within the Empire of the East. Theological divisions were no help and a uniform Christology was always one of the Emperors underlying ambitions. At times this meant that political policies impinged on theological and ecclesiastical affairs.

 

Thus Marcian supported Chalcedon and it must have appeared to him that there was the prospect of unity in the Church based on its Christological statement. But if that was indeed his opinion then he was quickly proved wrong. Pope St. Dioscorus may well have withstood his enemies alone, but the people of Alexandria were as staunch defenders of Cyrilline Orthodoxy as any of their bishops, and they were the first to make plain that the See of Alexandria was united in opposition to Chalcedon. When Proterius was appointed Patriarch in place of the exiled Pope Dioscorus he was greeted by a rioting crowd of Alexandrians. Opposition was not limited to Egypt. In Jerusalem the monks rejected Juvenal who had submitted to Chalcedon and appointed Theodosius in his place. The Emperor acted to replace Juvenal with another bishop who accepted Chalcedon but Theodosius had already consecrated several bishops who maintained opposition to Chalcedon.

The Papacy was simply in no position to “force” the whole Church to accept Chalcedon, as the vast majority of Christians did not even believe the Roman Pope had that kind of authority. Obviously, the Emperor was not in a position to dictate adherence to Chalcedon either. In the aftermath of Chalcedon, we see that even the common people of the Empire felt entitled to reject (sometimes violently) a council based on their own judgment, even if that ran contrary to both Roman Pope and Roman Emperor. The Roman Catholic idea that a council is judged solely by the Pope clearly did not exist in the 5th Century.

During the short reign of Emperor Basiliscus (October 475–June 477 AD) an encyclical was sent to all the bishops throughout the empire calling upon them to anathematize the Tome of Leo along with everything done at Chalcedon considered to be innovations beyond the Faith of the Council of Nicea. Over 500 bishops subscribed to this letter, including the Patriarchs of Alexandria, Jerusalem and Antioch. The whole ecclesiastical situation had now changed. The Chalcedonians, including the Roman Pope, were on the defensive.

For the Chalcedonian side, things got worse. A council was called at Ephesus and a large number of bishops gathered under Patriarchs Timothy of Alexandria and Peter of Antioch to anathematize Chalcedon. When concluded, a letter was written to the Emperor which said:

“We have anathematized and do anathematize the Tome of Leo and the decrees of Chalcedon, which have been the cause of much blood shedding and confusion, and tumult, and division and strifes in all the world. For we are satisfied with the doctrine and faith of the Apostles and the holy Fathers, the Three Hundred and Eighteen; to which also the illustrious Council of the One Hundred and Fifty in the royal city, and the two other holy Synods at Ephesus adhered, and which they confirmed.”

The Roman Pope at the time, Simplicius, was fully in support of Chalcedon. It seems few in the wider Church cared about his opinion. 

After recovering the throne and deposing Basiliscus, Emperor Zeno wanted a compromise that would heal the Christological divisions in the empire. The Chalcedonian Patriarch of Constantinople, Acacius, drew up a letter, called the Henoticon, addressed to “the bishops, clergy, monks and laity of Alexandria, Egypt, Libya and Pentapolis”. The Henoticon was understood to be an imperial statement of faith which abrogated Chalcedon and the Tome of Leo. Both Zeno and Patriarch Acacius no longer needed to placate Western opinion, as Rome was outside the empire after the establishment of a Vandal kingdom centered on Ravenna.

If the Roman Pope was really thought to be “supreme” over the Church at the time, then you would not expect the mere political facts on the ground to have had this kind of influence on the path chosen by Zeno and Acacius. 

The text of the Henoticon does not use the phrase “two natures” and stresses the pre-eminence of the Nicene faith. It anathematized Nestorius and Eutyches and all who taught contrary to the teachings of Nicaea. The Twelve Chapters of St. Cyril were received as Orthodox. Christ’s Godhead and manhood were upheld. The teaching of St. Cyril was upheld that “both the miracles and the sufferings are those of one Person”, the Second Person of the Trinity who became Incarnate.

Pope Felix III of Rome condemned the Henoticon and excommunicated Patriarch Acacius in 484 AD, causing a schism between the East and West which would last 35 years.

Let’s pause a moment. This was the 5th Century, not the 11th, and at that early date, the vast majority of the Church clearly did not recognize the ability of the Pope in Rome to unilaterally dictate to them. Nor did they feel as if their salvation depended on being in communion with Rome, as most of the Church at the time was not. In the 5th Century, the vast majority of Orthodox Catholic Christians lived in the East and were out of communion with the Roman Pope during this 35 year time span. We can see that easily enough if you consider that, at the time, the population of Constantinople alone could have been as high as 1 million, while the population of Rome could have been as low as 25,000. 

During the more than three-decades-long schism, the great Sees of Constantinople, Antioch, Jerusalem and Alexandria were united and Emperor Zeno was praised as “the triumphant star of Christ from the East”. Even the more extreme opponents of Chalcedon accepted that the Henoticon contained a right confession of faith. It seemed that on this basis, perhaps at least the Eastern Church could be quieted, though Rome remained in schism.

So how did the Chalcedonian position end up becoming recognized as Orthodox truth? The Empire changed its policy and began persecuting non-Chalcedonians.

In 518 AD, Emperor Justin, a Chalcedonian, ascended to the throne. He demanded conformity in the Empire with Chalcedon. The Emperor also wanted a reunion with Rome. To effect the restoration of communion between East and West, Roman Pope Hormisdas wrote a theological formula and demanded that Justin, Patriarch of Constantinople John II, and all the Eastern bishops sign it. The acceptance of the Formula of Hormisdas by the Patriarch of Constantinople, and other Eastern Bishops, is often cited by Roman Catholic apologists as proof that the Orthodox Bishops and the Emperor accepted Papal Supremacy and infallibility in the 6th Century.

The facts suggest otherwise. The schism ended because a Chalcedonian Emperor wanted it ended badly enough to give Rome everything it had wanted for 35 years. It was imperial policy that changed, not the opinion of those within the Empire concerning the authority of the Roman Pope. This is especially obvious when you acknowledge that, despite imperial pressure, many bishops still resisted Chalcedon, often finding sanctuary in Egypt. The Pope had spoken, as had the Emperor, but resisting bishops, monks, and laity did not care.

To break resistance, imperial persecution was initiated and got progressively worse. By 525 AD, all resisting monks were driven out of their monasteries, robbed, put in irons and subjected to various tortures. Faithful Orthodox Christians who gave them shelter were treated in the same way. The wave of anti-Chalcedonian persecution caused the monasteries of Syria to break off communion with the Chalcedonian bishops. All of them signed an anathema against Chalcedon and the Tome of Leo. In response, imperial soldiers were sent to expel the monks from their homes just two days before Christmas.

Under this severe persecution, the opponents of Chalcedon found themselves becoming a distinct Church from the Chalcedonian Church, though both sides still described themselves as Orthodox. A final break was avoided at that time, however, because by 534 AD the emperor had relaxed the persecution. For a short time, opponents of Chalcedon were allowed to occupy important positions, including as Patriarchs of Constantinople and Alexandria.

Roman Catholic apologists usually leave all of the post Formula of Hormisdas messiness out of their narrative. They prefer to give the impression that everyone submitted to the Roman Pope, except for some ignorant Egyptian bishops. Case closed, problem solved. The facts radically contradict that simplistic narrative. Adherence to Chalcedon was brought about through imperial persecution, not by widespread submission to Papal Supremacy.

The final break between the opposing sides of Chalcedon occurred under Emperor Justinian. The Emperor was more interested in union with Rome and the West than in any kind of compromise with non-Chalcedonians. The Emperor deposed the non-Chalcedonian bishops, and restarted the general persecution of all resistors. Unfortunately for any future effort at unity, the non-Chalcedonian position increasingly became confused with national resistance to the Roman Empire. The result is still with us – the Orthodox Catholic Church on one side, the Oriental Orthodox Church on the other, with the Roman Catholic Church standing across the room all by herself.

Let us consider one more example of a council from a later time period before we close this topic. The Quinisext Council, also known as the Council of Trullo, was held between 691–692 AD in the East, without the presence of any representation of the Roman Pope. The immediate reaction of the See of Rome to the council was fiercely hostile. This was partly because two canons (13 and 55) explicitly criticized Roman practices such as mandatory clerical celibacy, but more generally because Rome resented being expected to retroactively approve a whole sheaf of new canons. Despite the wishes of Emperor Justinian, Pope Sergius I (687–701 AD) flatly refused to accept the council and the new canons. The East considered the council valid despite Rome’s rejection, and the Quinisext canons found their way into imperial canonical collections.

This was hundreds of years before the Great Schism. Yet even then, there were very clear differences between the Eastern and Western Churches. Despite modern claims of Papal Supremacy, Orthodox bishops in the 7th Century, just as in earlier centuries, were not unduly concerned with the opinions of the Roman Popes.

From our perspective as Chalcedonian Orthodox Christians, we owe a debt of gratitude to Rome for standing strong in favor of the true doctrine of the Hypostatic Union (Two Natures in One Person). Fortunately, Rome was a bastion of Orthodoxy for much of the 1st Millennium. That is a good lesson for Orthodox Catholic Christians to learn, especially at a time when extremely sharp criticism of anything “Western” is so common in our parishes.

On the other hand, we should also recognize that while Roman Popes maintained the true Chalcedonian Orthodox Faith, they were powerless to enforce that faith on the rest of the Church. That took imperial force, which was used to carry out a truly lamentable persecution of non-Chalcedonian clergy and laity alike. There is simply no reason to think, based on the facts, that the vast majority of Orthodox Christians in the 1st Millennium accepted Papal Supremacy or Papal Infallibility as dogmas of the Christian Faith. The power of the Papacy, as articulated by Vatican I, clearly was not believed “everywhere and by all” in the 1st Millennium.

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Excommunicating and Deposing Popes

Roman Catholic Canon 1404 states that “The First See is judged by none (Latin: Prima Sedes a nemine iudicatur)”. In other words, there is no court or tribunal above the Pope than can condemn him, depose him, or annul his decrees. That may be true today within the Roman Catholic Church, but was that really believed “everywhere and by all” in the 1st Millennium?

Remember how it was mentioned earlier that Pope Leo had supported a condemned heretic by the name of Theodoret?  Pope Dioscorus of Alexandria and his bishops actually excommunicated Pope Leo when, upon approaching Chalcedon, they learned that the Papal legates were insisting that Theodoret must participate as a member of the Council. Pope Leo insisted upon this, even though Theodoret had not accepted the Third Ecumenical Council, the Twelve Chapters of Cyril, nor the condemnation of Nestorius. Those reasons were why Theodoret had been condemned by 2nd Ephesus in 449 and excommunicated.  The Council of Chalcedon, by the way, eventually upheld Theodoret’s excommunication by 2nd Ephesus.

Therefore, leading up to Chalcedon, the Pope of Rome was guilty of supporting a Nestorian and an enemy of the Twelve Chapters of Cyril, which had been the basis of the doctrinal decisions of the Third Ecumenical Council. Faced with such facts, Pope Dioscorus felt he was legally and canonically correct in excommunicating Pope Leo.

Two things here should give pause to any supporter of a belief that Papal Supremacy and Infallibility existed in the 5th Century. First, Theodoret was a heretic before Leo embraced him, and remained a heretic the entire time he was being supported by the Roman Pope. Second, nobody apparently told the Pope of Alexandria that “The First See is judged by none”. Pope Dioscorus and his bishops clearly believed that they could both judge and punish Pope Leo. No one seems to have corrected them, and the whole situation was only resolved by Chalcedon anathematizing Dioscorus.

The idea of 1st Millennium Papal Supremacy is further undermined by the relationship between Roman Emperor and Roman Pope during the so-called era of “The Byzantine Papacy”. Typically ignored by Roman Catholic apologists, this was the period from 537 to 752 AD when Roman Popes required the approval of the Roman Emperor to assume office.  After Justinian I reconquered the Italian peninsula in the Gothic War (535–554 AD), he directly appointed the next three popes, a practice continued by his successors and which later was delegated to the Imperial Exarchate of Ravenna.

If the Popes of this era required imperial approval to assume office, and for part of the time were even directly appointed by the Emperors, did they really have “supreme power over the entire church”?

The Emperors also reserved the right to arrest and depose Popes. This is illustrated in the case of Pope Martin I, who violated norms by insisting on being consecrated immediately without waiting for imperial approval.  Martin further annoyed the Emperor by promoting the Lateran Council of 649. Pope Martin was captured by imperial troops and taken to Constantinople. There he was found guilty of treason, and exiled to Crimea where he died in 655 AD. The Lateran Council was never acknowledged as ecumenical. At that time in Christian history, convening ecumenical councils was the sole prerogative of the Emperor and not that of the Roman Pope. Even while Martin yet lived in exile, the Roman Church acceded to imperial commands and elected Pope Eugenius I as his replacement.

Evidently, in the 7th Century, there certainly did exist a power capable of judging the Roman Pope. The complex connection between the Papacy and the imperial throne is explained below by Andrew J. Ekonomou:

“Like every Roman pontiff who had come before him, Zacharias considered himself a loyal servant of the Imperium Romanum Christianum and a dutiful subject of the emperor who occupied the throne in Constantinople. The empire was, after all, the terrestrial image of the kingdom of heaven. It was a sacred realm of which Rome and the papacy were integral components. It represented culture and civilization. It was the irrefragable chain that connected the present to the classical past and gave his beloved Rome the aura of eternity. Most of all, it was the empire that guarded and protected the holy catholic and apostolic church. The emperor was God’s elected representative on Earth. He held the empire in the name of Christ whose instrument he was and from whom he derived his power and authority. To criticize the emperor was sacrilege; to fail to obey and pray for him, whether he was good or bad, unthinkable impiety.”

We can find other examples in which the Emperor clearly demonstrated that the Pope did not reign over the Church in the way modern Roman Catholics pretend. Emperor Justinian II tried to arrest Pope Sergius I over his rejection of the Quinisext Council. When Pope Theodore tried to excommunicate two successive Patriarchs of Constantinople for supporting Monothelitism, imperial troops looted the papal treasury in the Lateran Palace, arrested and exiled the Papal aristocracy at the imperial court, and desecrated the altar of the Papal residence in Constantinople. Needless to say, this led to schism between Rome and Constantinople.

In 731 AD, Pope Gregory III organized a synod in Rome which declared iconoclasm to be punishable by excommunication. Emperor Leo III responded in 732/33 AD by confiscating all Papal lands in southern Italy and Sicily. Lands which provided most papal income at the time. The Emperor also removed the bishoprics of Thessalonica, Corinth, Syracuse, Reggio, Nicopolis, Athens, and Patras from Papal jurisdiction, transferring them instead to the Patriarch of Constantinople. Relations between the Papacy and the Empire continued to worsen from that point on.

In these disputes with the Emperor, the Popes were frequently (especially concerning Theological matters such as Iconoclasm and Monothelitism) objectively in the right. The point here is not to criticize the Popes of the so-called “Byzantine Papacy”. Rather, the point is that the Papacy did not “reign supreme” over the Church in either theory or practice during the 1st Millennium. While Roman Popes may have had an expansive view (at times) of their authority, the rest of the Orthodox Church, and the Roman State, simply did not agree.

If the supreme power of the Roman Popes over the Church was of Apostolic origin, then you would expect everyone to have known about it, and respected it. 

I would caution readers, however, against coming to the conclusion that somehow the Emperor in Constantinople exercised powers similar to those of the modern Papacy. It is true that calling Ecumenical Councils in the 1st Millennium was an imperial prerogative. It is equally true that various Emperors got heavily involved in Church affairs, even to the point of interfering with doctrine (at times even promoting heresy). However, the fact that Emperors often resorted to violence to enforce their doctrinal preferences amply proves that no one considered them “infallible” or “supreme”.

We have additional examples later in history in which Popes were judged and deposed, and not by Roman Emperors either. In October 1032 AD, Pope Benedict IX was elected to the Papal office through bribery. He dissolute character soon prompted a revolt in Rome which drove him out of the city. Pope Sylvester III was elected to succeed him. This would be a very strange occurrence, would it not, if the people of Rome at the time really believed “The First See can be judged by none”?

Months later, Benedict and his supporters managed to expel Sylvester. Benedict did not stay in office, however, resigning in favor of his godfather, Gregory VI, on the condition he was reimbursed for expenses. Benedict, rethinking his abdication, subsequently attempted to depose Gregory VI. After an appeal by a number of prominent clergymen, Henry III (so-called “Holy Roman Emperor”) crossed into Italy with a military force. Henry then summoned the Council of Sutri to decide the matter. Benedict IX, Sylvester III, and Gregory VI were all deposed. Henry then had Clement II elected Pope in December 1046 AD.

In this affair with Benedict, we can see several aspects of the historic Papacy that modern Roman Catholic apologists often cover up. First is how dysfunctional the office can easily become. There is no guarantee that a Pope will even be a good man, much less a good Christian and spiritual father. Benedict IX was none of the above. His unscrupulous machinations created a crisis in which no one even knew who was really the Pope. Second, here we see a Pope deposed by a popular revolt of the people. Later, all three competing Papal candidates were deposed by a council which then selected a new Pope. The Romans who tossed Benedict out of the city clearly did not believe that the Papal office was all-powerful and above judgment. Further, the council summoned by Henry certainly believed it had the authority to judge all three claimants to the Papal office, to depose them, and to pick a new Pope. Third, we can see that, even in its pre-modern form, the Papal office was still sufficiently attractive to the ambitious as to be a prize worth fighting for. Instead of acting as a unifying factor, the Papacy can quickly devolve into a source of disunity, schism, and even violence.

We see these same elements in the Western Schism. In this period from 1378 to 1417 AD, there were first two, and then three, rival Popes. Each had his own supporters, his own Sacred College of Cardinals, and his own administrative offices. The crisis started when Pope Urban VI was elected and returned the Papal residence to Rome after almost 70 years at Avignon France. Pope Urban VI was hostile to the cardinals in Rome over the great powers they had assumed during the years the Popes had resided at Avignon. Incensed, a group of cardinals convened and elected one of themselves as Pope Clement VII, claiming the election of Urban VI had been invalid. Clement VII then took up residence at Avignon. Roman Catholic Church historians seem to generally agree that Urban VI and his successors were the legitimate popes, but there has never been an official pronouncement to this effect.

A schism ensued, of course, between the two camps that affected the entire Western Church. Eventually cardinals from both camps, in a bid to end the schism, arranged the Council of Pisa in 1409. The council elected a third pope, Alexander V, who was succeeded shortly by John XXIII. Pope (or antipope, who knows?) John convoked the Council of Constance in 1414 under pressure from “Emperor” Sigismund. The council deposed him, received Roman Pope Gregory XII’s resignation, and dismissed the claims of Benedict XIII at Avignon. That series of events opened the way to the election of Martin V in November 1417 AD, whereby the schism was ended.

Again, we see many of the same features of the Papacy on display as in the earlier Benedict crisis. The Roman Cardinals who elevated Clement as Pope, as a replacement to Urban, clearly believed they had the right to do so. The power of the office of the Papacy, though worth fighting over by ambitious men, was clearly not on the level articulated by Vatican I. The cardinals who organized Pisa in 1409 also believed it was in their power to settle the issue. In the end, we see a secular ruler forcing the convening of a Church Council that then settled the entire affair by deposing all current claimants and picking a new Pope.

So much for “The First See can be judged by none”.

Before we leave this period of time, it would be good to also discuss the theory of Conciliarism in the Roman Catholic Church. This was the theory, held in the West, that a general council of the church had greater authority than the Pope and may, if necessary, depose him. Conciliarism sprang from discussions of 12th- and 13th-century canonists who wanted to set limits on the power of the Papacy. Famous English philosopher William of Ockham was a proponent of a version of the theory, going so far as to teach that only the church as a whole—not an individual Pope or even a council—is preserved from error in faith. This is quite similar to the Orthodox view of things, by the way.

The Council of Constance, discussed previously, invoked the doctrine of Conciliarism to depose the three claimants to the papal throne and elect Pope Martin V to end the Western Schism. Rome officially recognizes Constance as the 16th ecumenical council, even though it was not convened by a legitimate Pope nor were all its declarations ever formally approved. The council’s condemnation of John Wycliffe and Jan Hus (pre-Reformation reformers) was accepted later by Rome, but the decree Sacrosancta, which espoused Conciliarism, was not. Despite Vatican I’s articulation of absolute supremacy for the Pope, this theory continues to live on and has its proponents within the Roman Catholic ranks even today.

One thing is quite certain. Whether in the 1st Millennium, or even as late as the 15th Century, we can clearly see that viewing historical Papal authority through the lens of Vatican I is a grave error.

Does the Papacy Bring Unity?

Maybe the concentration of power in Rome was an innovation of sorts effectuated over time. But was it a good innovation? Did the Christian faith benefit from it? Did the Roman Catholic Church?

From my perspective, I would have to answer “no” to all three questions.

We have previously covered just some of the multiple schisms in which the Papacy played a significant role. These include the loss of the so-called “Oriental Orthodox” Churches such as the Coptic Church in Egypt. There was also the Great Schism with the Orthodox Catholic Church in 1054 AD. While we don’t know the total global Orthodox population in the 11th Century, we do have an estimate of the Eastern Roman Empire at the time as having somewhere between 12 million and 15 million people. That is an awful lot of souls the Roman Popes broke communion with. Was asserting Papal authority in the East really worth that loss?

Moving forward in time after the Fall of Constantinople, we can arrive at the Protestant Reformation – the worst schism of all time.  At best the power of the Papacy was unable to prevent the loss of whole nations to the Roman Catholic Church. At worst, the abuse of unchecked Papal authority was a primary cause of this massive fracturing of the Western Church. This cataclysm caused horrific bloodshed and put to death any semblance of a united Western Christendom.

There were many more schisms, and more historical periods in which no one quite knew who was the Pope, but we need to bring this discussion to a close. In summary, over and over again, rather than bringing unity, the expansive assertions of power by Roman Popes have brought chaos and schism.

Papal assertions of authority to dictate the Roman Catholic Faith are still bringing chaos and schism. In the modern era, for example, we have witnessed the rise of so-called Sedevacantism – the belief that the Papal throne is currently unoccupied. One adherent of this faith explained the current state of the Roman Church this way:

The Roman Catholic Church is suffering an unprecedented crisis over the last 60 years or so, which is entirely explainable by the conclusion that the See of Rome has been vacant for that time. As a result of this vacancy, many heretics have been allowed to run riot and preset their heresies as the teaching of the Church, without having been condemned or punished by law. This situation will be resolved when the See of Rome is filled.

As has happened before, you have Roman Catholics who argue that while the Pope is the supreme head of the Church, there is currently no actual Pope. With the ongoing wreckage caused by Pope Francis’ dalliances with outright heresy, one can expect more Roman Catholics to move towards this theory, or convert away from the Roman Church altogether. Orthodoxy is a common choice for those seeking the historic Christian Faith, but without the constant upheaval emanating from the Vatican.  A state of affairs, which as we have seen, is not really new.

Conclusion and Implications for Orthodoxy

The historical record, properly examined, leaves no doubt. There was no all-powerful Roman Papacy ruling the Church in the 1st Millennium. Trying to make history fit the Vatican I model is not being honest. There was no single “Head of the Church” in the 1st Millennium, not the Roman Popes, not the Roman Emperors, and certainly not the Patriarchs of Constantinople.

Given the doctrinal, liturgical, and political instability in the Roman Catholic Church over the last 1,000 years, one would have thought the Orthodox Church would have learned a valuable lesson concerning the concentration of power in a single office. Most Orthodox Churches, who zealously guard their local autonomy, seem to have learned from the Roman example quite well. Unfortunately, the Patriarchate of Constantinople has completely lost sight of Rome as a cautionary tale. With the assistance of the U.S. National Security State, Constantinople is busy asserting powers and prerogatives that are practically Papal in nature.

Below is a typical statement from Patriarch Bartholomew concerning the status of Constantinople as “Head of all Churches”.

It is not just a theoretical assertion but a continuous, blessed act of the Church that bestows upon Constantinople the privilege of the Crucifixion’s sacrifice, the path of sacrifice, and the position as the Head of all Churches. It consistently bears the crown of thorns symbolizing the Despotic Passion.

The position of the Patriarch of Constantinople, according to Archbishop Elpidophoros of the Greek Archdiocese in the U.S., is “first without equals”. He used that phrase in a response to the Russian Church (excerpts below):

In the long history of the Church, the presiding hierarch of the universal Church was the bishop of Rome. After Eucharistic communion with Rome was broken, canonically the presiding hierarch of the Orthodox Church is the archbishop of Constantinople. In the case of the archbishop of Constantinople, we observe the unique concomitance of all three levels of primacy, namely the local (as Archbishop of Constantinople-New Rome), the regional (as Patriarch), and the universal or worldwide (as Ecumenical Patriarch). This threefold primacy translates into specific privileges, such as the right of appeal and the right to grant or remove autocephaly (examples of the latter are the Archdioceses-Patriarchates of Ochrid, Pec and Turnavo, etc.), a privilege that the Ecumenical Patriarch exercised even in cases of some modern Patriarchates, not yet validated by decisions of the Ecumenical Councils, the first of which is that of Moscow.

 

If we are going to talk about the source of a primacy, then the source of such primacy is the very person of the Archbishop of Constantinople, who precisely as bishop is one “among equals,” but as Archbishop of Constantinople, and thus as Ecumenical Patriarch is the first without equals (primus sine paribus).

With assertions of great power often come great suffering. The Patriarch of Constantinople, allied with the U.S. National Security State, intervened in the religious affairs of Ukraine by organizing a non-canonical collection of “churches” into an “official” Church. This move eventually resulted in the persecution of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, the canonical Church in Ukraine under Metropolitan Onuphry. This move, meant to bolster the power of Constantinople and isolate Russia, has been sharply criticized by many Orthodox hierarchs around the world. Many of them have called for a council to investigate and resolve the situation in Ukraine, particularly since the Ukrainian government has passed legislation that outright bans the canonical UOC. The Patriarch of Constantinople, now styling himself as “without equals”, has refused to submit his actions to the judgment of the Orthodox Church:

And the Patriarch continued: “We, for our part, do what we believe is right. We are provoked and invited by various sister Churches for the Ecumenical Patriarchate to convene again a Pan-Orthodox Conference or a Synaxis of Orthodox Primates to deal with the Ukrainian ecclesiastical issue, and our Patriarchate rejects these proposals because it is not willing to put under the judgment of the other Churches a Canonical Act, which it carried out itself.

The above statement could easily be paraphrased as, “The First See is judged by none.” Only, that was never really true even in the Roman Catholic Church for most of her history, much less so in the Orthodox Church. Historically, both Roman Popes and Patriarchs of Constantinople have been judged, deposed, excommunicated, banished, recalled, arrested, stripped of possessions, and even ignored for decades.

The Orthodox Church has never had a Vatican I-style Papacy. Orthodoxy has never needed a Vatican I-style Papacy. The Orthodox cut off the Roman Papacy when, liberated from the control of the Roman Emperor, Papal assertions of power became unendurable. The day may be coming soon when the Orthodox will have to do the same for an increasingly power-hungry Patriarch of “New Rome”.

Nicholas – member of the Western Rite Vicariate, a part of the Antiochian Orthodox Christian Archdiocese in America

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